"Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder by Vladimir Lenin is a critique of certain ultra-left tendencies within the international communist movement during the early 20th century. Lenin addresses "left-wing" factions that reject participation in parliamentary politics, trade unions, and alliances with non-communist forces, arguing that these positions are immature and counterproductive.

Lenin emphasizes the importance of tactical flexibility and the need for communists to engage with existing political and social structures to win over the working class. He critiques the ultra-left for dismissing these as "compromises," asserting that successful revolution requires understanding the material conditions and using every available opportunity to advance the proletarian cause.

Through historical examples, including the success of the Bolsheviks in Russia, Lenin demonstrates how engagement with diverse groups and strategic compromises were essential in building the revolutionary movement. He warns that dogmatic approaches can isolate communists from the masses and weaken the revolutionary struggle.

The work is both a defense of Marxist pragmatism and a guide to revolutionary strategy, emphasizing the need for discipline, adaptability, and connection with the broader working-class movement. It remains a key text for understanding Leninist approaches to revolutionary politics.

The Civil War in France by Karl Marx is a detailed analysis of the Paris Commune of 1871, which Marx identifies as the first example of the working class taking political power. Written as an address to the International Workingmen's Association, Marx celebrates the Commune as a revolutionary government that sought to dismantle the capitalist state and replace it with a system of direct proletarian rule.

Marx critiques the French bourgeoisie and their collaboration with the Prussian state to suppress the Commune, framing the conflict as a class struggle between the exploitative bourgeoisie and the emancipatory proletariat. He praises the Commune's measures, such as abolishing standing armies, separating church and state, and ensuring workers' control over production. Marx also highlights the Commune's democratic structure, which sought to eliminate hierarchical governance by making officials accountable and recallable.

Though the Commune was brutally suppressed, Marx views it as a critical lesson for future revolutions, emphasizing the necessity of dismantling the bourgeois state apparatus and replacing it with a new form of governance rooted in proletarian self-organization. The text remains a foundational work in Marxist theory, illustrating the potential and challenges of workers' revolutions.

The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky by Vladimir Lenin is a scathing critique of Karl Kautsky, a prominent Marxist theorist who opposed the Bolshevik Revolution. Lenin accuses Kautsky of betraying Marxism by siding with bourgeois democracy over the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.

Lenin defends the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917 as a necessary step toward establishing socialism. He critiques Kautsky for misrepresenting Marx's views on the state, particularly the idea that the working class must dismantle the bourgeois state apparatus and replace it with a dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin argues that Kautsky's preference for parliamentary democracy ignores the class realities of capitalist society, where true democracy for workers is impossible under the domination of the bourgeoisie.

The work emphasizes the importance of revolutionary action, the role of the soviets (workers' councils) as organs of proletarian democracy, and the necessity of suppressing counter-revolutionary forces. Lenin portrays Kautsky as a defender of reformism and compromise, contrasting this with the Bolshevik commitment to the revolutionary transformation of society. The text is both a defense of the October Revolution and a broader critique of opportunism within the socialist movement.

The Right to Be Lazy & Other Studies by Paul Lafargue is a provocative critique of the capitalist work ethic and a defense of leisure as essential to human liberation. Lafargue, a Marxist theorist and son-in-law of Karl Marx, argues that the obsession with productivity and overwork is not a virtue but a form of oppression imposed by capitalism.

In the titular essay, Lafargue dismantles the glorification of labor and the "right to work," showing how they serve to perpetuate exploitation and alienation. He contrasts this with the need for leisure, creativity, and enjoyment, which capitalism suppresses by prioritizing profit over human well-being. Lafargue advocates for reduced working hours, communal ownership of production, and a society where technological advancements are used to liberate people from toil rather than deepen their exploitation.

The collection also includes essays that explore themes like social inequality, class struggle, and the contradictions of capitalist systems. Lafargue's biting wit and utopian vision make the work both a sharp critique of industrial society and a call to reimagine human purpose beyond endless labor. His ideas challenge readers to question whether the pursuit of work serves humanity—or enslaves it.

The re-conquest of Ireland as envisioned by James Connolly was a revolutionary project to reclaim Ireland not just from British colonial rule but from capitalist exploitation. Connolly, a Marxist and leader of the Irish labor movement, argued that true Irish independence required the establishment of a socialist republic. He believed that political freedom without economic emancipation would leave Ireland dominated by native capitalists, merely replacing foreign oppressors with domestic ones.

Connolly tied Ireland's liberation to the working class, asserting that they alone could bring about a society based on equality and solidarity. His vision of re-conquest included nationalizing resources, abolishing private ownership of land, and building a classless society. He saw the fight for Irish freedom and socialism as inseparable, encapsulated in his leadership of the Irish Citizen Army, which united workers and nationalists in armed struggle.

Connolly's ideals came to prominence during the Easter Rising of 1916, where he and his comrades sought to ignite a revolution. Although the rebellion was suppressed, and Connolly was executed, his vision for a socialist Ireland remains influential in Irish political thought. For Connolly, the re-conquest of Ireland was not simply about reclaiming territory but about creating a just and equitable society free from oppression.

Karl Marx's The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte is a seminal work of political analysis that examines the rise of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte (Napoleon III) and his 1851 coup d'état in France. Marx explores the dynamics of class struggle and the interplay of historical forces that led to this moment.

The work's title references Napoleon Bonaparte's coup of 1799, drawing parallels between the two events. Marx argues that history often repeats itself, "the first time as tragedy, the second as farce." He critiques Louis-Napoleon's use of populism and manipulation of state power to consolidate his rule, highlighting how he exploited divisions within the bourgeoisie, the weakness of the proletariat, and the disarray among other classes.

Marx provides a materialist analysis of the political and economic conditions of the time, emphasizing the importance of class structures and interests in shaping historical outcomes. He critiques the bourgeois republic for failing to address the needs of the working class and paving the way for Bonaparte's authoritarian regime. The work underscores the cyclical nature of class conflict and the limitations of revolutionary potential in the absence of proletarian class consciousness and organization.

In Concerning Questions of Leninism, Stalin provides a concise overview of dialectical and historical materialism, grounded in Marxist philosophy and its application to the Leninist framework of revolutionary praxis. Dialectical materialism, according to Stalin, views the world as a dynamic, interconnected whole, characterized by constant motion, contradiction, and development. It emphasizes the material basis of reality, asserting that ideas and consciousness arise from material conditions rather than existing independently.

Historical materialism, an extension of this philosophy, applies these principles to human society. It posits that the economic base—comprised of the forces and relations of production—shapes the societal superstructure, including politics, culture, and ideology. Human history, therefore, is driven by class struggle, rooted in contradictions between the forces of production and the existing relations of production.

Stalin ties these concepts to Leninism by emphasizing their practical implications: the necessity of a revolutionary vanguard party to resolve contradictions, advance proletarian interests, and transition from capitalism to socialism. This approach, rooted in materialist analysis, underpins Stalin's interpretation of Leninist strategy as a scientific method for achieving socialist revolution.

Lenin's Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution (1905) outlines the contrasting strategies for socialist engagement in the bourgeois-democratic revolution. He critiques the Mensheviks' reliance on the liberal bourgeoisie to lead the revolution, arguing this would fail to dismantle feudal remnants and would compromise proletarian interests. Instead, Lenin advocates for the Bolsheviks' approach: a worker-peasant alliance to form a "revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry." This coalition, he argues, can most effectively overthrow autocracy, achieve land reform, and lay the groundwork for socialist transformation, independent of bourgeois influence.